Issue No. 8: Topic= : A Five Minute Refresher Course in Framing

date: Mon, 27 Oct 2003 14:13:31 -0500 x-mimeole: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V5.50.4807.1700 from: subject: The Frameworks Institute: Publications and Products - Kids Count E-Zines - Issue No. 8 content-type: multipart/related; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_007A_01C39C94.80344D30"; type="text/html" mime-version: 1.0 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_007A_01C39C94.80344D30 content-type: text/html; charset="Windows-1252" content-transfer-encoding: quoted-printable content-location: http://www.frameworksinstitute.org/products/issue8framing.shtml Issue No. 8: Topic= : A Five Minute Refresher Course in Framing

Issue No. 8
To= pic: A=20 Five Minute Refresher Course in Framing

The FrameWorks Institute has been working with the KIDS COUNT Net= work=20 for the past two years to develop some insight into how the American= =20 public understands various children's issues and how KIDS COUNT staf= f can=20 frame the public discourse on those issues to advance policy outcome= s. In=20 this E-Zine, we provide the equivalent of a refresher course in stra= tegic=20 frame analysis, a new way of thinking about communications that Fram= eWorks=20 believes is especially relevant to the types of children's issues=20 addressed by KIDS COUNT. Consider this E-Zine "Strategic Frame Analy= sis=20 101," which you are reviewing before you delve into the next part of= the=20 syllabus. And for those who are interested in learning more about th= is=20 perspective of interest, we invite you to visit our website at http://www.frameworksin= stitute.org/,=20 and to peruse techniques and examples posted online from a variety o= f=20 issues arenas.=20

"The way in which the world is imagined determines at any=20 particular moment what men will do."
Walter Lippmann, Public Opin= ion,=20 1921=20

When issues advocates approach communications, they do so with th= ree=20 important questions in mind:=20

How do we get people to think about our issues?=20
How do we get them to think about our issues in such a w= ay=20 that they want to solve them through public policies, not on= ly=20 individual actions?=20
How do we get them to think about issues in such a way t= hat=20 they want to solve them through our public policies?=20

What Research Suggests

People use mental shortcuts to make sense of the world.= =20
Incoming information provides cues about where to "file"= it=20 mentally.=20
People get most information about public affairs from th= e news=20 media which, over time, creates a framework of expectation, = or=20 dominant frame.=20
Over time, we develop habits of thought and expectation = and=20 configure incoming information to conform to this frame.=20

Strategic frame analysis - FrameWorks' approach to=20 communications - is based on a decade of research in the social and= =20 cognitive sciences that demonstrates that the answers to these quest= ions=20 relates to what Walter Lippmann called "the pictures in our heads." = People=20 use mental shortcuts to make sense of the world. These mental shortc= uts=20 rely on "frames," or a small set of internalized concepts and values= that=20 allow us to accord meaning to unfolding events and new information. = These=20 frames can be triggered by various elements, such as language choice= s and=20 different messengers or images. These communications elements, there= fore,=20 have a profound influence on decision outcomes.=20

William Raspberry, writing in the Washington Post, explain= s the=20 power of frames when he says, "Perhaps the only way we can assimilat= e new=20 information is by fitting it into the framework of something we alre= ady=20 understand." He goes on to explore the meaning of terrorism "by thin= king=20 about America and black people." And, in so doing, he demonstrates t= he way=20 our judgments about political issues can be influenced by the frame = we use=20 to make sense of new situations. Thinking about the Civil Rights Mov= ement,=20 Raspberry writes: "When we saw it as a choice between civil progress= and=20 bloodshed, our minds went one way. When we saw the choice as between= =20 siding with brutal law enforcement and siding with black folk demand= ing=20 change, our minds went the other way." Raspberry has elegantly illum= inated=20 the framing process that is so critical, if invisible, to political= =20 judgment.=20

What Is A Frame?
"Frames are organizing princ= iples=20 that are socially shared and persistent over time, that work=20 symbolically to meaningfully structure the social world."=20
Stephen D. Reese, Framing Public Life,=20 2001

Where do people get their frames of public affairs?=20

"Most people don't think about most issues most of the time," wri= te=20 Nelson Polsby and Aaron Wildavsky in a famous analysis of American p= ublic=20 opinion. The public has little daily contact with many issues on the= =20 public agenda, yet their opinions greatly influence policymaker prio= rities=20 and behavior. Traditionally, news media is the main source of Americ= ans'=20 information about public affairs. In this way, the media dramaticall= y=20 influences what issues the public and their policymakers will addres= s.=20 Moreover, messages conveyed by mainstream media take on the value of= =20 public narratives about the ways of the world. Thus, media doesn't s= imply=20 tell us what to think about, it tells us how to think about issues. = News=20 coverage influences:=20

Our research on young adults/teens included an investigation of h= ow the=20 news media covered the issue. But this analysis sought not only to c= hart=20 the volume of coverage to see if teens figured on the national agend= a, but=20 also to isolate the way the media was framing the issue, or how it w= as=20 telling the "teens" story. We looked for explanations of cause, not = merely=20 effect, and for the inclusion of solutions and policy debates in the= =20 coverage. We do so because we know that different kinds of frames ha= ve=20 different kinds of effects on public opinion. What we found is that = only=20 7% of all stories about teens contained any broader or more contextu= al and=20 thematic information about youth.=20

"The use of either the episodic or the thematic news frame=20 affects how individuals assign responsibility for political is= sues;=20 episodic framing tends to elicit individualistic rather than=20 societal attributions of responsibility while thematic framing= has=20 the opposite effect. Since television news is heavily episodic= , its=20 effect is generally to induce attributions of responsibility t= o=20 individual victims or perpetrators rather than to broad social= =20 forces."=20
Shanto Iyengar, Is Anyone Responsible?,=20 1991

More recently, our colleague Frank Gilliam analyzed coverage of=20 children's issues in local television news in six cities for Childre= n Now.=20 He found a similar pattern of coverage, with almost 40 % of the stor= ies=20 about children devoted to safety and accidents, the quintessential=20 episodic topic.=20

Why does this matter? The importance of this distinction is that = the=20 two types of frames have very different effects on how people view a= given=20 problem--and whether people will see the need for individual-level a= nd/or=20 broader environmental or institutional solutions to that problem.=20

Episodic frames reduce life to a series of disconnected episodes,= =20 random events or case studies. "Betty Jones and her family of four a= re=20 braving the elements tonight because the homeless shelter was full,"= =20 begins an episodic story on the homeless. Such a news story might go= on to=20 describe how the children miss their toys, how cold it is, when they= last=20 ate, etc. What it will not describe is how many people are homeless = in=20 this city, whether the numbers are increasing or decreasing, or the = root=20 causes of homelessness.=20

In contrast, thematic frames provide details about trends, not ju= st=20 individuals; they identify shortcomings at the community or systems-= level=20 that have contributed to the problem. "The homeless shelter at 4th a= nd Q=20 was full again tonight because of drastic reductions in city allocat= ions,=20 and this situation is taking its toll on families like Betty Jones'.= But=20 the mayor says the Jones family will have to brave it because there = is no=20 more money in the city to pay ....."=20

The more episodically the children's issues are framed, the less = likely=20 it is that citizens will hold government accountable for solving the= =20 problem. The more thematic and contextual the coverage, the more lik= ely it=20 is that citizens will see the issue as one appropriate to government= =20 resolution.=20

The media's influence on how we think about social problems lasts= far=20 beyond our memory of a particular newscast or news topic. The way th= e news=20 is "framed" on many issues sets up habits of thought and expectation= that,=20 over time, are so powerful that they serve to configure new informat= ion to=20 conform to this frame. When advocacy groups communicate to their mem= bers=20 and potential adherents, they have options to repeat or break these= =20 dominant frames of discourse. Understanding which frames serve to ad= vance=20 which policy options with which groups becomes central to any moveme= nt's=20 strategy.=20

The literature of social movements suggests that the prudent choi= ce of=20 frames, and the ability to effectively contest the opposition's fram= es,=20 lie at the heart of successful policy advocacy. Most movements are=20 associated with the development of an innovative master frame which = will=20 either constrain or inspire that movements future development. If "r= eady=20 to learn" or "school readiness" are not effective master frames, cap= able=20 of growing beyond the immediate policy needs of the movement, they w= ill=20 constrain later developments. When the nuclear freeze had to grow be= yond=20 armaments, scholars argue, the frame could not accommodate that grow= th. A=20 frame isn't simply a slogan repeated over and over again; rather a f= rame=20 is a conceptual construct capable of helping us organize our world. = When=20 frames fail to do so, they are discarded in favor of other frames. B= ut=20 more often, when new facts are submitted that do not resonate with t= he=20 frames we hold in our heads, it is the facts that are rejected, not = the=20 frames.=20

We find particularly helpful Deborah Tannen's explanation of how = frames=20 work:
"People approach the world not as na=EFve, blank-slate rece= ptacles=20 who take in stimuli =85in some independent and objective way, but ra= ther as=20 experienced and sophisticated veterans of perception who have= =20 stored their prior experiences as an organized mass. This prior expe= rience=20 then takes the form of expectations about the world, and in the vast= =20 majority of cases, the world, being a systematic place, confirms the= se=20 expectations, saving the individual the trouble of figuring things o= ut=20 anew all the time."=20

Frames are powerful not only because we have internalized them fr= om=20 media, but because they have become second nature to us - they allow= us to=20 process information efficiently and get about our lives. The limited= =20 number of frames we use allows us to understand new information in t= erms=20 of stories we already know.=20

Finding some familiar element causes us to activate the stor= y=20 that is labeled by that familiar element, and we understand th= e new=20 story as if it were an exemplar of that old=20 element."
"Understanding means finding a story you already = know=20 and saying, 'Oh yeah, that one.'"
"Once we have found (the)= =20 story, we stop processing."=20
Roger Schank. Tell Me A Story,=20 1998

The perspective that the FrameWorks Institute takes on communicat= ions,=20 then, is based on the following hypotheses:

People are not blank slates.=20
Communications is interactive.=20
Communications resonates with people's deeply held values and= =20 worldviews.=20
The currency of communications is frames.=20
When communications is inadequate, people default to the "pict= ures=20 in their heads," or existing frames.=20
When communications is effective, people can see an issue from= a=20 different perspective, or alternative frame.

In this way, the challenge of communications becomes reframing --= -=20 providing a different lens for the processing of new information. By= =20 identifying and empowering rival frames in your communications, you = can=20 signal to the public how to think about any specific children's issu= e,=20 from child care to oral health.=20

But how do you choose between competing frames? How do you know w= hich=20 ones will set up the policy outcomes you wish to promote?=20

Doing this requires a base of research that probes beneath visibl= e=20 public opinion to determine why people think the way they do. This=20 research must help communications directors and advocates choose wis= ely=20 between competing options on the basis of empirical evidence. Only i= n this=20 way can children's advocates feel secure that their individual=20 communications tactics are accruing value to the larger goal of adva= ncing=20 policy attitudes and solutions.=20

Working from this perspective, the FrameWorks research is designe= d to=20 explore the following questions:=20

Reframes are only possible because ideas and issues come in=20 hierarchies. The cognitive sciences teach us that these hierarchies,= or=20 levels of thought, track and direct our thinking. Higher-level frame= s act=20 as primes for lower-level frames, and higher level frames map their = values=20 and reasoning onto the lower-level frames.=20

Levels of Understanding
Level One: Big= =20 ideas, like freedom, justice, community, success, prevention,= =20 responsibility=20
Level Two: Issue-types, like the environment or chil= d care=20
Level Three: Specific issues, like rainforests or ea= rned=20 income tax credits

By appealing to higher-level values to reframe, we can signal to = people=20 how to think about various children's issues. And by testing the abi= lity=20 of certain Level One frames to lift policy preferences on those chil= dren's=20 issues, we can be sure that we are moving people toward consideratio= n of=20 solutions, not merely to wringing their hands over another intractab= le=20 social problem that affects children.=20

Strategic frame analysis adopts the position, now current in seve= ral=20 academic disciplines, that people reason on the basis of deeply-held= moral=20 values, more than on the basis of self-interest or "pocket-book" app= eals.=20 When we approach people as citizens, parents and stewards of their=20 communities, we tap into powerful models that guide their thinking a= bout=20 themselves and their political responsibilities. We do this not by p= laying=20 "identity politics" or forcing people to identify themselves as "chi= ld=20 advocates," but rather by reminding them of the widely shared Level = One=20 values they already incorporate into their thinking about how to mak= e=20 important choices for the world. At issue are words and concepts lik= e=20 "responsibility," "community," "protection," "connection," "preventi= on,"=20 and "stewardship."=20

Adopting the perspective of strategic frame analysis means=20 understanding that communications is story-telling, but that the sto= ries=20 we tell must have all the elements in place: frames, messengers, evi= dence,=20 cause and effect. We must tell a story that is about politics, in th= e=20 sense that it is about the values that drive us to communal action. = We=20 must tell a story that invites people into the solution, by demonstr= ating=20 that solutions exist. We must tell the story with storytellers that = the=20 public believes have no reason to lie to us, and who have authority = and=20 knowledge of the issue. We must tell a thematic, not an episodic, st= ory if=20 we are inspire political responses.=20

At the same time, strategic frame analysis runs counter to many=20 communications practices. The story we tell is not one of dueling ex= perts,=20 nor is it told in a highly rhetorical style. The story we want to de= liver=20 is not a simple slogan, a "silver bullet," or a bumper sticker, but = rather=20 a set of inter-related frames that resonate with deeply-held myths a= bout=20 what it means to be an American. From the responsible citizen to the= =20 senior community steward to the public health manager, we want to ma= ke=20 clear the perspective that Americans should bring to the issues affe= cting=20 children in their communities and the nation.=20

&= nbsp;=20 = ;=20 = ;=20 = ;=20 = ;=20 = ;=20 = ;=20 = ;=20 = ;=20 = ;=20 = ;=20

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What Research Suggests

What Is A Frame?

Levels of Understanding

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